Outputs – RegioCat

RegioCat, Regionalism in Catalonia under the Franco’s regime: discourses and practices (HAR2017-87957-P)

CONGRESS & COURSES

Alfons Aragoneses, “Legal diversity and nation-building”, al Congrés: Recht und Diversität – Europäische und lateinamerikanischen Erfahrungen in rechtshistorischer Perspektive. Frankfurt am Main. MPI d’història del dret. 6-7 de juny de 2019.

General analysis of the management of legal diversity during the codification process. There are currents favorable to the preservation of provincial law and others that defend its disappearance and the recognition of political and legislative autonomy of Catalonia. In this sense, an article by the writer Joan Maragall is presented in which he talks about Catalan law and criticizes the Catalan legal school.

Jaume Claret & Nico Sesma, Taller “Regionalismo en España bajo el franquismo: discursos y prácticas”, XV Congrés de la Asociación de Historia Contemporánea, Còrdova, setembre de 2021.

Far from being extinguished with the victory of Franco’s troops, more or less explicit forms of regionalism survived, influenced and conditioned the future of the dictatorship. From different situations and spaces but always under the protection or tolerance of power, between 1936 and 1977 regionalist practices and discourses took advantage of the available spaces of legality and / or permissiveness, to participate actively and continuously in the construction of the Spanish State. Often, these regionalisms gave continuity and reinterpreted certain political and cultural traditions, acted as mediators regarding the modernization and reception of foreign influences, and functioned as a kneecap between regional diversity and the central unitary and unitarian discourse. This workshop aims to focus precisely on the relevance of these regionalist practices and discourses in the process of political-cultural reconstruction of the different territories and the configuration and development of Spain during the second half of the 20th century.

Joan Fuster & Marc Gil, comunicació “Adeptos, indiferentes y entristas: el Ayuntamiento de Barcelona de 1973”, dins Jaume Claret & Nico Sesma, Taller “Regionalismo en España bajo el franquismo: discursos y prácticas”, XV Congrés de la Asociación de Historia Contemporánea, Còrdova, setembre de 2021.

The municipal elections of 1973 were the last of the Franco regime. Thus, the Town Halls that were partially renewed that year would be those that would remain active until the municipal elections of 1979, already in full force of the 1978 Constitution. They were held at a critical moment for the late Franco regime, when after the hardening of the regime In 1969 – with the declaration of the state of exception – and the internal crisis that the MATESA case caused, the Franco regime was preparing to take the first and timid steps towards a new opening. A slight opening made concrete in the so-called spirit of February 12 advocated by the head of the Government Arias Navarro a few months after the attack that cost the life of Admiral Carrero Blanco. These steps were the result of the dictatorship’s own internal dynamics and of the rivalry between the different Francoist families in conflict, but, above all, they were the result of the pressures that were producing the transformations caused by the capitalist development process unleashed by the economic openness and derived structural changes in Spanish society. Such transformations had profound consequences for civil society, but also for the administration.

Joan Fuster, “Després de la guerra i la revolució: Reconsideracions polítiques conservadores de 1849”, comunicació presentada en el Congrés Internacional “Postguerras/Aftermaths of war”, Barcelona 5-7 de juny 2019, Barcelona 5-7 de junio de 2019, organitzat pel Departament d’Història i Arqueologia de la UB.

This contribution wants to show the origin and formation of the various traditions of the Spanish right in the 19th century in the liberal regime. The liberal revolution in Spain ran into the strong opposition of the supporters of the Old Regime and could only be imposed with a long civil war and with the permanent mobilization of the people. At the end of the war, with Carlism defeated and progressivism failed, the beneficiary classes of the process were able to stabilize it in the years of the moderate decade, but these moderates, lacking a project that went beyond order, imposed themselves thanks to an exclusivity that blocked the system. Challenged by continental convulsions, they divided, appearing, albeit in embryonic form, new responses that would configure the traditions that have dominated the contemporary Spanish right: authoritarian conservatism; the liberal conservatism that articulated the Restoration regime; and a Catalan regionalist conservatism, the result of the need to face the challenges and conflicts of industrial society, and which would gradually emerge until the end of the century.

Joan Fuster, Marc Gil & Jaume Subirana, Diàleg d’història urbana i patrimoni: combats pel nomenclátor de Barcelona, del franquisme a la democràcia, Centre de Recerca i Debat del Museu d’Història de Barcelona (Muhba), 18 de desembre de 2019.

In this dialogue we deal with comparatively three moments in which there has been a strong intervention of the public powers on the Barcelona gazetteer. The first was Victor Balaguer’s proposal to name the streets of modern Barcelona, resulting from the expansion of the city following in the wake of the demolition of the walls. The second moment was the purification of the gazetteer of the city with the rise of the Franco regime. In this case, the essential objective was to erase the republican memory and impose the memory of the victors through the exaltation of the heroes and martyrs of what the new regime called “the Crusade for Spain.” The last moment was the operation of assigning names to the set of streets that were created as a result of the construction of the Poblenou neighborhood that was to host the Olympic Village. In this case, the spirit that drove the operation was to recover the memory of those Catalans who had contributed to keeping Catalan culture alive during the Franco regime, connecting European and universal cultural currents, long civil war and permanent mobilization of the people.

Marc Gil (coord.), Jordi Amat & Alfons Aragoneses, “La postguerra a Barcelona, 1939-1945”, Curs de juliols de la UB

On January 26, 2019, the eighty years of the entry of Franco’s troops into the city of Barcelona were commemorated, a prelude to the subsequent occupation of Catalonia and the fall of Republican Spain, effective a few months later: April 1939. Thus ended a brutal war with the victory of the counterrevolutionary coalition, which had been supported by land, sea and air by the Italian and German fascism, which would soon inflame Europe with the Second World War. Defeated Barcelona, exhausted after three years of Civil War, half collapsed because of the massive bombings, with a serious deficit of all kinds of supplies and an artificially increased population with the arrival, throughout the war, of a contingent With refugees of practically 300,000 souls, the Franco dictatorship hastened to implant and consolidate its regime through a complex and vindictive process. This course wants to approach the reality of the post-civil war in Barcelona from different perspectives, to analyze the consequences of the Civil War and observe how the new regime was implanted in the city with the essential objective of liquidating the recent republican past and imposing the new reality of the victors.

Marc Gil & Jaume Subirana, “’En comunión de voluntades y creencias’. La pronta depuración franquista del nomenclátor y el espacio público barcelonés”, comunicació presentada en el Congrés Internacional “Postguerres/Aftermaths of war”, Barcelona 5-7 de junio de 2019, organitzat pel Departament d’Història i Arqueologia de la UB

As in the rest of Spain, the taking of Barcelona by Franco’s troops not only meant the military defeat of the republican side, but also a systematic persecution of all political, social and cultural references of the defeated regime. In this sense, the first Francoist city council of Barcelona was an active agent from the first hour. Not only did he initiate a crude purifying policy of the set of municipal officials, but he also made an effort to pursue and erase every vestige of the republican regime in the public space of the city and replace it with the new references that would set the official memory of the new regime. Two municipal commissions were set up for the redefinition of urban public space: one dedicated to the substitution of street names and school groups; and another aimed at outlining the design and construction of various monuments that should celebrate Franco’s victory and remember the fallen of the national side. With this intervention in the public space of the city, the new Francoist city council would eliminate the republican memory, maintain and re-signify those elements that could be framed in a well-understood Catalan regionalism and establish the new cultural references of the victorious regime.

Marc Gil & Joan Fuster “L’Ajuntament de Barcelona de 1973: composició i selecció del personal polític en el darrer franquisme”, comunicació acceptada en el XVI Congrés d’Història de Barcelona, Barcelona, Arxiu Històric de la Ciutat, 27 de novembre de 2019.

In the last years of the Franco dictatorship, the system of election by thirds of Franco’s organic democracy was affected by the social changes that the socio-economic transformation brought about. Particularly in Catalonia, the recruitment systems of municipal political personnel, despite the severe existing government filters, were impacted both in the corporate and family third by certain penetration movements of new sectors indifferent to the regime and in some cases by entryist maneuvers of the opposition. This communication examines how these movements worked that altered the traditional composition of the local political staff of the dictatorship, the filtering mechanisms established by the regime, and the results that show the capacity and limits of the Franco regime to open up to the accelerated social change that the decades of developmentalism had led.

Marc Gil, membre del comitè científic del XV Congrés d’Història de Barcelona organitzat per l’Arxiu Històric de Barcelona, sota el títol: Barcelona: del franquisme a la democràcia. El protagonisme de la ciutadania (1973-1983), centre cultural del Born el 4, 5 i 6 de octubre de 2018.

On October 4, 5 and 6, the XV Barcelona History Congress was held which, with the slogan History of the daily press of Barcelona, has been organized by the Historical Archive of the City of Barcelona with the collaboration of the Barcelona Journalism History Classroom, the Library of Catalonia and the College of Journalists of Catalonia. The reason is that 2017 marks the 225th anniversary of the appearance of the first issue of the Diario de Barcelona, specifically on October 1, 1792. In these three days of the Congress it has been possible to update the knowledge on the history of the press and from written journalism in the city of Barcelona, to debate and reflect on the past, present and future of the daily press and to contribute to forging links between the various researchers who are dedicated to this matter. Some sixty people have participated in this Congress, structured around two presentations, two round tables and four communications tables.

Muriel Gómez, “Club 49, una ventana al descubrimiento de la cultura japonesa en la década de 1950-1960”. XIV Congrés Nacional i V internacional de la Asociación de estudios japoneses en España (AEJE), “Protagonismo e impacto de Japón en la esfera internacional (1960-2020)”. 28, 29 i 30 d’octubre de 2020, Universitat de Saragossa (finalment virtual).

The main objective of this presentation will be to show how – even in the historical context in which they were, in the postwar period – Club 49 was like a small window to the outside, since thanks to the figure of Eudald Serra (founding member of Club 49) in Barcelona in the 1950s and 1960s, some exhibitions and conferences on Japanese art were organized. We will value the figure of Eudald Serra (1911-2001) as a true cultural mediator, connecting cultures, creating and organizing spaces of confluence, both with Club 49 and with the Museu Etnològic de Barcelona.

Muriel Gómez, “A la sala de màquines de la cultura barcelonina”, debat amb les historiadores de l’art Sílvia Muñoz d’Imbert i Muriel Gómez Pradas i la gestora cultural, Flora Bacquelaine Vidal de Llobatera. Moderarà Glòria Bosch, cocomissària de l’exposició Àngel Ferrant i Xavier Vidal de Llobatera – L’amistat infinita, Dimecres 9 de desembre de 2020, a les 19.00h. Espai Volart, Fundació Vila Casas

Barcelona’s cultural life in the first half of the 20th century had renowned protagonists such as Víctor M. de Imbert (1903-1978) and others who were more anonymous, such as Xavier Vidal de Lobera (1894-1963). All of them promoted projects and artistic experiences that would create the sediment of our culture. We will talk about Club 49, as an open window that unites the three protagonists (Imbert, Vidal De Llobatera and Ángel Ferrant) in a very special way, drawing us the stage and what those other windows of freedom, of artistic activities, meant in the cultural context of the moment…

BOOKS & CHAPTERS

AMAT, J. (2018) “Historia de otro libro” capítol de Largo proceso, amargo sueño. Cultura y política en la Cataluña contemporánea. Barcelona: Planeta de Libros, pp. 209-235.

At the end of the 1950s, the large Catalan cotton industry wanted to act as a lobby in the context of the change in the State’s economic policy. This corporate commitment, which had as ideologues some Catalan economists linked to the design of the Development Plans, had a cultural dimension around the figure of Josep Pla and the purchase of the newspaper El Correo Catalán. The chapter studies this web of relationships.

AMAT, J. i GIL, M. “Poder cultural i institucional del franquisme a Barcelona” dins Diversos autors, Art i cultura de postguerra a Barcelona, 1939-1962. Àmbit, Barcelona, pp. 7-36.

The occupation of Barcelona on January 26, 1939 meant the decapitation of the entire Catalan republican and autonomist leadership leadership, and its replacement by leaders and references related to the new Franco regime. This process had a special impact on the Catalan capital, given its institutional, economic and cultural weight. Sheltered from this context where the Catalonia referent disappears in favor of Barcelona or Spain, the new cultural agents -some original, others recycled- build a cultural tradition that reinterprets part of the past legacy, partially adapts to the regnant ideological demands and, In some cases, it explores the limits of what is possible.

ARAGONESES, A., “Legal diversity and nation-building in Spain. The case of the “derecho foral””, a Peter Collin & Thomas Duve (eds.): Law and Diversity. European and Latinamerican experiences in legal-historical perspective, Frankfurt, Max Planck Institute for European Legal History, (en premsa).

Chapter of a book dedicated to diversity in law. General analysis of the management of legal diversity during the codification process. There are currents favorable to the preservation of provincial law and others that defend its disappearance and the recognition of political and legislative autonomy of Catalonia. In this sense, an article by the writer Joan Maragall is presented in which he talks about Catalan law and criticizes the Catalan legal school.

ARAGONESES, A., “La memoria del derecho: actualización del pasado en el derecho catalán contemporáneo”, a Samuel Barbosa (ed.), Os tempos do direito, Belo Horizonte, Arraes (en premsa).

This text analyzes the mechanisms for updating the past in which the law participates, such as sentences, memory laws, preambles and the so-called legal tradition, which, following the idea of Patrick Glenn, is considered “normative information”. The specific case of Catalan legal discourses and their references to the medieval past as a legitimation of Catalan legal specificity in the 19th century and also in part of the 20th century are explained below.

CLARET, J. “La gran Barcelona: un intento de modernización”, dins Antoni Luna, Rosa Cererols i David Moriente (eds.), La invención de Barcelona: rupturas y continuidades, Bellaterra, Barcelona (en premsa)

The chapter tries to explore, without going into political apriorisms and moral judgments, the potentialities and limitations of a figure and a mandate of polyhedral meanings. On the one hand, it personified both the link between a Franco regime that sought to expand its base towards regionalist sectors of order, and the link that connected the collaborationist will, for the good of business, of the latter. On the other hand, the regime evolved, not without resistance, from an autarkic economy towards a growing technocracy that, faced with contemporary challenges, could not give up exploring a certain modernization. To a large extent, Porcioles asks himself the right questions – and hence his subsequent claim by democratic municipal managers – and gets some of the answers right – thanks to a combination of political ability, ability to surround himself with competent teams, and knowledge of the ins and outs of the dictatorship – but systemic corruption and lack of freedom condemned its success and often weighed down on its heritage and the city itself.

Muriel Gómez Pradas, Jordana Mendelson & Joan M. Minguet Batllori, “ADLAN, després”, dins Muriel Gómez Pradas, Jordana Mendelson & Joan M. Minguet Batllori (eds), ADLAN i Joan Miró (títol provisional), Barcelona, Fundació Joan Miró, (en premsa).

In this chapter we review how, the enthusiasm that ADLAN had aroused among its promoters during the Republican years explains that, in a situation as tough as the first years of the Franco dictatorship were, they tried to continue in some way with that adventure, now even more necessary. given the cultural impositions of Franco’s fascist regime. In post-war Barcelona, the gradual recovery of avant-garde cultural activity has to focus on civil society, on groups that were trying to get out of official cultural mediocrity. And among all of them the ex-ADLANs stand out, first with their alliance with Cobalto magazine and with Rafael Santos Torroella and, later, after the disagreement with the art critic, with the founding of Club 49, to energize the cultural life of the city. Barcelona in the years of the dictatorship.

SUBIRANA, J. (2018) Construir con palabras. Escritores, literatura e identidad en Cataluña (1859-2019). Madrid: Cátedra

Culture is the source, sometimes belligerent, of collective identity, and archive of what each society has lived or imagined, a source and archive in which writers have the power to name and tell. In the case of Catalan culture, authors such as Jacint Verdaguer, Joan Maragall, Salvador Espriu or Miquel Martí i Pol (considered by many “national poets”) have written and transferred words that have later been essential when establishing, maintaining and reproduce the idea of community. In return, they have gained significant public recognition. This is or wants to be a cultural history book. And a book, as its subtitle says, about writers, literature and identity: the last century and a half can be seen as a long effort by Catalan culture to “be”, and in that effort the literary has always played a prominent role. Construir con palabras. Escritores, literatura e identidad en Cataluña (1859-2019) studies the key role of texts, authors, editors, translators, critics, organizations, institutions, magazines and competitions, of all agents of the literary system, seen in a linked and dynamic way, in the configuration of contemporary Catalan culture. And it does so following the maxim that tradition does not consist in worshiping ashes, but in keeping a fire alive.

CLARET, J. i FUSTER-SOBREPERE, J. (eds.), El Regionalismo bien entendido. Ambigüedades y límites del regionalismo en la España franquista. Granada, Comares, 2021

Franco’s regime created an intransigent and belligerent Spanishism, allergic to difference and deeply conservative, which we used to define as national-Catholicism. However, the repression of any alternative national reality coexisted with the integration of some of the country’s regional peculiarities, interpreted – and often reinterpreted – as complementary peculiarities of a greater Spanish nationalist singularity. These “well-understood regionalisms”, as the dictatorship described them, were assumed as centripetal forces that facilitated the construction of the new nation-state, by adding to it traditions, elites, references and trajectories that legitimized and reinforced it. In the chapters that make up this book, the ambiguities and limits of Franco’s regionalism are reviewed, with examples that include different geographies: from Aragon to Catalonia, and from Andalusia to Navarra. Its authors, recognized specialists in their respective areas of knowledge, combine approaches that go from cultural history to legal history, passing through politics, urban planning or the arts. This wide range allows a better understanding of the scope and evolution of the regionalist initiatives integrated or tolerated during the period 1939-1975. All this with a look away from apriorisms and open to international comparison, with the aim of enriching our understanding of some regionalist discourses and practices that have shaped the contemporary political-cultural development and reconstruction of Spain.

AMAT, J., “Un refugio regionalista en la primera postguerra barcelonesa”, Jaume Claret i Joan Fuster-Sobrepere (eds.), El regionalismo bien entendido. Ambigüedades y límites del regionalismo en la España franquista, Granada, Comares, 2021.

Jordi Amat analyzes the adaptation to Francoism of the ideological heirs of the Lliga, while they wait in vain for the return of their leader Francesc Cambó, exiled in Argentina, and where he died prematurely. In this case, the dictatorship limited itself to integrating specific personalities, without allowing a consistent collective presence. Later attempts to revitalize a liberal regionalism already in democracy were hampered by collaboration with the regime of some and by disconnection from public life and the clandestine opposition of others.

ARAGONESES, A., “El jurista en el barrio gótico. Historicismo y tradición en la cultura jurídica catalana del siglo XX”, Jaume Claret i Joan Fuster-Sobrepere (eds.), El regionalismo bien entendido. Ambigüedades y límites del regionalismo en la España franquista, Granada, Comares, 2021.

Alfons Aragoneses, analyzes the Compilation of Catalan Civil Law made in 1960, to reveal its role as a legal project of Francoism ascribed to the most conservative and historicist genealogy of Catalan regionalism.

FUSTER-SOBREPERE, J., “Després de la guerra i la revolució. Reconsideracions polítiques conservadores de 1849”, a Teresa Abelló et al. (dirs.), Postguerres/Aftermhats of war, Barcelona, UB, vol. 2, pp. 462-481. ISBN 978-84-121558-8-4.

This contribution wants to show the origin and formation of the various traditions of the Spanish right in the 19th century in the liberal regime. The liberal revolution in Spain met with the strong opposition of the supporters of the Old Regime and could only be imposed with a long civil war and with the permanent mobilization of the people. At the end of the war, with Carlism defeated and progressivism failed, the beneficiary classes of the process were able to stabilize it in the years of the moderate decade, but these moderates, lacking a project that went beyond order, imposed themselves thanks to an exclusivity that blocked the system. Challenged by continental convulsions, they divided, appearing, albeit in embryonic form, new responses that would configure the traditions that have dominated the contemporary Spanish right: authoritarian conservatism; the liberal conservatism that articulated the Restoration regime; and a Catalan regionalist conservatism, the result of the need to face the challenges and conflicts of industrial society, and which would gradually emerge until it emerged at the end of the century.

FUSTER-SOBREPERE, J., “Poder local i revolta liberal en la formació de l’estat liberal a Catalunya” a Ramon Arnabat Mata (coord.), Els orígens de l’època contemporània. Balanç historiogràfic des dels estudis locals. Homenatge a Josep Fontana, Catarroja, Afers, 2020, pp. 157-178, ISBN 978-84-16260-90-4.

This work is proposed, through a review of the academic literature produced in the last thirty years, to make a balance and a state of the situation of the role of local powers in the process of the liberal revolution in Catalonia. For this, problems such as the transformation of the social composition of local ruling groups are examined; the internal dynamics of these powers, the competition between different political sectors of liberalism and their relationship with higher powers; prosoprographic and biographical studies; and the transformation of the administration with the appearance of an incipient professional bureaucracy. In the end it is established that, in all its vicissitudes, the liberal state, like any other power, needed to transact with sectors that: due to their mobilization, their power, their wealth or their influence, allowed the effective domination of the territory and like this type of alliances were decisive in the establishment of the new state.

DOWLING, A., “Reconfiguración estatal y protoregionalismo en la España franquista tardía”, Jaume Claret i Joan Fuster-Sobrepere (eds.), El regionalismo bien entendido. Ambigüedades y límites del regionalismo en la España franquista, Granada, Comares, 2021.

Andrew Dowling, analyzes the transformation of the Franco state as a result of its own growth (bureaucratization) and economic development (technocracy). This dynamic, whose impact occurs throughout the Western sphere, has a regionalist drift, since it needs local elites to guarantee its success and coincides with a growing interest in the regional economy and economic planning.

ARTICLES & MAGAZINES

CLARET, J. i FUSTER-SOBREPERE, J., “El régimen especial para las provincias catalanas. La fracasada refundación de la Mancomunitat”, Revista de Estudios Políticos, (en revisió).

The inevitable death of the dictator Francisco Franco opened a period of political uncertainty in Spain. There was a conviction among the regime’s heirs that in order to retain power it would be necessary to propose reforms that would make it possible to respond to some of the most pressing demands and, at the same time, retain political control in the face of the democratic opposition. The management of the regional question appeared as a suitable environment for the experimentation of these post-Franco proposals, especially in its Catalan realization where the demand for some type of decentralization had tradition and strong popular support. From the surroundings of Manuel Fraga, an attempt was made to implement a Special Regime for the Catalan Provinces, an updated imitation of the historic Mancomunitat de Catalunya, whose project was continued by the first government of Adolfo Suárez with the direct involvement of the most illustrious representatives of the Franco regime. Catalan. The internal and unpublished documentation preserved by Juan Echevarría Puig allows us to know in depth this latest incarnation (failed, but influential) of Franco’s regionalism.

CLARET, J. (2018) “«Perturbaciones del orden académico». Els estudiants de la universitat catalana entre el blau i el vermell (1939-1975)”. Recerques. Història, economia, cultura, 73, pp. 133.159.

The Franco regime tried to turn the University into an ideological bastion, through the political-union framework and a forceful repression of the republican vestiges that, in the case of the University of Barcelona, also included its autonomy and Catalan identity. However, over time, the University evolved towards a nucleus of disaffection, as a result of the rapprochement of children from both sides, the diversification of ideological influences and the growing massification. The dissent would lead to the dissolution of the official single student union and the consolidation of the student movement as a source of destabilization of both academic life and the regime in particular. The increase in “”disturbances of the academic order”” would become a frequent headache for the Francoist authorities and the evidence of the dictatorship’s own limitations to control and frame the new generations, but without sufficient force to consolidate an alternative model.

FUSTER-SOBREPERE, J., “Regionalisme i nacionalisme en els orígens de la Catalunya contemporània: a propòsit de la lectura de Josep Lluís Marfany”, Recerques, (pendent de publicació)

This article examines and in some aspects discusses the contribution of Josep Lluís Marfany’s book to Nacionalisme espanyol i catalanitat. Towards a revision of the Renaixença. It highlights the two most important aspects of the work: its description of the process of Spanish nationalization in Catalonia, led by the local bourgeoisie in the face of the constitution of a Spanish nation and a national market, showing its endogenous nature; and secondly, the birth, at the hands of this same bourgeoisie in the mid-nineteenth century, of an economically based regionalism, although denying the idea that this process was the basis for the rebirth of language, culture and nation. Catalan called Renaixença.

GIL, M. i SUBIRANA, J., “Breakneck Francoist purging of nomenclature in Barcelona: “en comunión de voluntades y creencias””, International Journal of Iberian Studies, ISSN: 1364971X, (aprovat, aparició prevista al 2021)

As in the rest of Spain, the capture of Barcelona by Franco’s troops not only meant the defeat of the republican side, but also a systematic persecution of all political, social and cultural references of the defeated regime. Barcelona’s first Francoist city council was an active agent from the first hour, purging municipal officials and also trying to erase all Republican, Catalan or “red” traces in the public space and replacing them with new references that would make the official memory of the new regime. Our research clearly outlines how the Francoist overhaul of Barcelona city nomenclature was conducted, and the criteria on which it was based. In summary, it was a very early, fairly rapid and high-priority operation based on wiping out the Republican memory and Catalan language and exalting the heroes and martyrs of the Crusade, in which the leading figures were a small group of local but renowned faithful. It was, without doubt, what one might term an ideological operation, carried out with full awareness of the symbolic importance of the issue.

GIL, M., editori de les actes i ponències BQH (2021) Periodical publication specialized in the history of Barcelona, made up of monographic volumes that bring together contributions from different specialists in the activities carried out within the framework of the Barcelona History Seminar.

GÓMEZ, M. (2018) “The Mingei Undô, Eudald Serra and the Japanese folk craft collections of the Ethnology Museum of Barcelona: the provenance of a collection”. Museum History Journal, Taylor & Francis, volume 11, issue 2, pp. 116-132 (Print ISSN: 1936-9816 Online ISSN: 1936-9824)

In this article we take as a case study the provenance of the Japanese collection kept in the Ethnology Museum of Barcelona, Spain. This interesting collection came to a Spanish museum, thanks to Eudald Serra (1911−2002), a sculptor, ceramicist, designer, photographer and, above all, a great traveller. Eudald Serra lived in Japan from 1935 to 1948 and directed the acquisition trips conducted in situ for the Barcelona Ethnology Museum in 1957, 1961 and 1964. The history of this museum’s collection is an extraordinary example of the formation of a collection in a newly-created public museum, but with the criteria of a private one (that is to say, each object was selected and purchased following the collector’s own aesthetic guidelines and interests). Serra’s aesthetic preferences and interest in Mingei Undô mark this museum collection, making it unique in Spain. Unpublished material, such as Serra’s travel diary and field notes, as well as letters and official documents, have been essential for this research.

SUBIRANA, J. i ROMERO, A. (eds.), “Epistolari entre Eugeni d’Ors i Antoni Lòpez Llausàs, 1934-1939”, Els Marges, 119 (2019): 82-109.

The relationship between the writer and philosopher Eugeni d’Ors and the editor Antoni López Llausàs (responsible in Barcelona for the Catalònia bookstore and the D’Ací i d’Allà magazine and later, in Argentina, for the publishers Sud -americana and Edhasa ) extends over a wide arc that goes from 1923 to 1954, a few months before the death of the person who was baptized as Xènius. In the Eugeni d’Ors Fund of the National Archive of Catalonia (ANC) there is preserved the correspondence between the writer and the editor, which we are editing and of which we offer here a first tasting, focused on the years until the end of the Spanish Civil War (1934-1939).

SUBIRANA, J. i ROMERO, A. (eds.), “Epistolari entre Eugeni d’Ors i Antoni Lòpez Llausàs, 1941-1954”, Els Marges (en premsa)

The letters between the Catalan philosopher Eugenio d’Ors and his editor in Argentina Antoni López Llausàs after the Civil War testify to the role of a part of the Catalan publishing industry at the service of the cultural policy of the Franco regime both within Spain and abroad. They give evidence of the conditions that surrounded the survival of those publishers and also show us how Ors used both official and para-official channels to editorially multiply the scope of his work and reinforce his influence through contact networks. The academic or institutional focus of his last published works (with López Llausàs / Sudamericana) reinforced a vision of culture, history and civilization indebted to the perpetual peace of Franco’s totalitarianism and the services rendered during the war.

Dossier: Cataluña: dos sistemas literarios, una cultura plural, a Insula (juliol/agosto 2019) nº 871-872.

The aim of this monograph is to reflect on these questions – questions of name, controversial questions, questions that evolve because they develop not in theory but in time. Reflecting on them by problematizing the classical canon (Dolors Marín does it here), the labels loaded with the shrapnel of innocence or the dysfunctions of the methodology that even the best philology of democracy has not been able to solve, as Jordi Gracia theorizes here. Reflect on the consequences derived from the democratic nationalization projects, as evidenced by Jaume Subirana (regarding the commemorations) or Pau Luque (regarding the institutional awards). Finally, to reflect on tensions and conflicts, that is, to think about reality by assuming the challenge of living in multiple dwellings. Those where Gonzalo Torné —novelista from Barcelona— grew up, whose thoughtful experience is perhaps the richest example of the creative density that implies being born, growing up and living in an authentic literary polysystem.

AMAT, J., “La complejidad del polisistema” a Dossier: Cataluña: dos sistemas literarios, una cultura plural, a Insula (juliol/agosto 2019) nº 871-872.

SUBIRANA J., “La fiebre centenaria. Conmemoraciones literarias e institucionalización cultural en Cataluña” a Dossier: Cataluña: dos sistemas literarios, una cultura plural, a Insula (juliol/agosto 2019) nº 871-872.

In Catalonia, with regard to literary commemorations, we are late, the catalog has been restricted to the “autochthonous” mentioned by Carner, the leading role has been given to the Administration and it has become stuck (and thus blunted) by reiteration and by accumulation an interesting public gesture that served (it served in 1997 with Pla, in 2002 with Verdaguer) to underline and exalt. Public celebrations and commemorations speak both of what is being celebrated (of what has been or has been achieved, of someone who was or achieved what the community would want for itself) and of what it would want to be, of what it is not yet: each centenary, each institutional anniversary, points in a certain direction and also leaves negatively engraved the dreams and limitations of the community that organizes it.